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The Majority Alternative
(1978)
I.) Voting procedures and the tendency towards the majority alternative
The majority principle states that the collective choice should be that alternative which, 
if pairwise compared with each of the other alternatives, in all cases gains a majority of 
votes.
This 
alternative is called the "majority alternative". 
This terminology follows that of Duncan Black, who defined: "That motion, if any, 
which is able to obtain a simple majority over all of the other motions 
concerned is the majority motion. Similarly in an election, that 
candidate, if any, who is able to obtain a simple majority over each of the 
others, is the majority candidate." [Cf. D.Black, The Theory of Committees and Elections, Cambridge 1958, p.18] 
Because the method of pairwise comparison was invented by the french 
philosopher CONDORCET (1743-94), it is also known as "Condorcet winner".
The majority alternative is not one version of the Principle of Majority among 
others but it is of special importance. However this special importance is revealed 
only, when voters are allowed to build coalitions and develop collective voting strategies in order 
to get the best possible outcome for themselves. If these conditions are 
fulfilled, then an existing majority alternative will be chosen:
In any kind of voting system, which gives equal weight to individual 
preferences, an existing majority alternative will win, if all voters act with 
perfect rationality when forming coalitions. 
BLACK and most of the studies in collective choice assume "sincere"   
voting. Therefore they do not analyse voting as a cooperative game, and the special role of the majority alternative could not be detected by 
them.
The theorem about the majority alternative stated above can be easily proved.
If for instance it is not the majority alternative m but some other alternative x 
which is chosen by the voting procedure, then those 
individuals preferring the majority alternative m in comparison with x could have 
formed a winning majority coalition on the basis of m. This result is better for 
each member of the coalition than x.
Therefore a result other than an 
existing majority alternative is impossible, if everyone knows the preferences 
of the other voters and acts rationally. 
II.)  Problems of the principle of majority
If one excludes the more difficult problem that there is a "paradox of voting" with no majority alternative at all because of circular majorities (x > y > z > x), the question of democratic legitimacy is the normative question: under which conditions may the majority alternative be regarded as an acceptable approximation to the collective interest?
The first problem which may arise with any voting system concerns the 
assumption that voters know their own interests sufficiently well. If their 
preferences are based on disinformation, affected by logical errors, 
influenced by fear of sanctions, determined by subconscious motives etc. then the 
voters preferences do 
not express their "enlightened"   interest. Therefore a majority alternative 
determined on the basis of such unqualified preferences may not be acceptable as 
approximating the collective interest. 
The second normative problem of majority rule arises from the fact that 
in determining the majority alternative only an ordinal measurement of 
individual interests is necessary. The fact that the same decision may be of 
different importance or "salience"   for the voters is neglected in 
voting procedures, which give each individual equally one vote. 
A certain mitigation of the problem may occur where coalitions are formed 
over a whole series of decisions or when the voter has to decide between large 
bundles of alternatives. If the individuals most heavily affected are not the 
same but vary from 
decision to decision, the degree of salience of the whole series of decisions 
may tend to equalize with respect to the individuals. 
But the majority decision 
is questionable as an approximation to the collective interest in those cases 
where for the loosing minority the decision is of greater salience than for the 
winning majority and where this difference is not compensated for by the degree 
of quantitative superiority that the majority possesses. 
A third problem of the majority system arises from the fact that the set of 
voters can never be identical with the set of those individuals whose interests 
are affected by the decision - for example if the interests of future 
generations are affected. Who takes care of these interests if voters express 
only their individual interests? 
A fourth problem when applying the majority system arises from the enormous 
costs of getting information and making decisions, if everyone has to articulate 
his interest with respect to every decision. In most cases the improvement of 
the decision in approximating the collective interest will not suffice to 
outweigh the costs of the decision process necessary to determine the majority 
alternative.
A fifth problem of the majority system stems from an unequal distribution of 
social power. Powerful minorities may limit the range of feasible alternatives 
by connecting with an alternative consequences, which make the alternative in 
question undesirable for a majority of the voters. For instance, capital-owners 
will withdraw capital and transfer it to other countries, if a socialist party 
gets the majority.   
III.) How to deal with the shortcomings of the principle 
of majority
Having briefly stated the four major weaknesses of a majority system the 
question arises, whether these weaknesses can be removed by modifications of the 
majority system. 
The most promising of these modifications are the election of 
representatives (which shall not be discussed here) and the
decentralization of 
decision-making by splitting up the whole set of possible decisions into various 
subsets of "domains of decision", so that everyone is no longer involved in 
every decision but that each individual is competent for only a restricted 
number of domains. If those individuals who are not - or only slightly - 
affected by a decision, are eliminated from the corresponding voting body a 
certain equalization of the degree of affectedness may be reached. 
In addition the problem of sufficiently enlightened interests of the 
individuals is much easier to be solved with decentralization, for the number of 
decisions an individual is confronted with may be reduced considerably. As the 
individual only has to decide those issues by which it is affected to a certain 
degree, one may assume that there will be greater motivation to gather the 
necessary information. In addition, decision-costs are greatly reduced, because 
the number of individuals involved in any decision is much smaller. In the 
extreme cases where there are individual domains of decision only one individual 
has to decide. 
The decentralization of decision-making thus seems to be an effective means 
to deal with at least some of the short-comings of the majority system. On the 
other hand new problems arise. One has to demarcate domains of decision and to 
appoint the individuals belonging to each domain. Problems of coordination 
between the different domains have to be solved so that a highly complicated 
structure of decision-making may result. 
At this point only preliminary ideas concerning the criteria of demarcation 
and appointment can be presented. One principle of demarcating different domains 
of decision should be to combine those decisions, which are mutually 
interrelated. If decision 1 would alter the factual situation relevant for decision 2 and vice versa, both decisions have to be made connectedly. The task 
then is to identify those decisions which are mutually interrelated in this way. 
This task is complicated by the fact that the domains of decision normally have 
to be demarcated in advance without knowing exactly which kind of decision has 
to be made in the future. 
A guideline for appointing the individuals to the different domains of 
decision should be the degree of importance or "salience"   that this domain has 
for the respective individual. The degree of salience of a decision for an 
individual would be measured by the difference of individual utility between the 
best and the worst alternative. Thus an interpersonal comparison of utility 
differences is needed and all the questions associated with this concept rise 
again.
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